The Bruce 18Book 11 · According to the Annals, Edward Bruce cautiously or cleverly (part 2)
18
Fiction · Historical Fiction
The Bruce 18
Book 11 · According to the Annals, Edward Bruce cautiously or cleverly (part 2)
BarbourEnglish
215 Richard of Clare. But see note on 12.
224 Johne Mawpas. According to the Annals, John Mawpas slew Edward Bruce, and was himself found dead over his body. John de Birmyngham brought the head to Edward III. (p. 360). Probably he thus earned the reward offered for injury to Edward in life or limb, on September 3, 1316 (Patent Rolls, p. 551).
225 Quhilk. Koeppel points out that this is the only example of this word otherwise than in the form the quhilk that, and therefore suggests that E gives the original reading (Englische Studien, x. 381).
230 tuk purpos. 1322. Barbour passes over four years, and says nothing of a destructive raid of the Scots on the West March in June-July of this year, in which they went as far south as Preston (Lanercost, p. 246; Knighton, i., p. 428; Bain, iii., No. 761; Fœdera, iii., p. 960).
235 richt gret hoost. “A very great army” (Lanercost, 247). “With a very large army ... having an armed foot-soldier from each town in England, besides his knights and esquires” (Scala., p. 149. So also Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon, p. 78; Knighton, i. 428; Baker, p. 66).
249 with-draw all the catele. “The Scots fled with all their possessions, at their approach (a facie eorum), to safe places; stripped their own land wholly bare, and cleared the districts of all the goods” (Trokelowe, p. 125). “The Scots, having cleared away or conveyed with them beyond the Scottish Sea (the Forth) everything that could be easily carried, left for the English a land bare of victuals” (Baker, p. 66). Edward told the Archbishop of Canterbury that he found neither “man nor beast” (Bain, iii., No. 778). So also in Knighton, i., p. 428.
253 with his hoost als still he lay. “The Scots, in their usual fashion, withdrew, and did not dare to fight with him” (Lanercost, p. 247). The English traversed the country, meeting with no resistance (Baker, p. 66).
254 At Culros. In Fife, on the Forth, opposite Boness (cf. note on 249).
261 in Lowdiane. Edward was at Gosford, in Haddingtonshire, on August 5 (Bain, iii., No. 761). He had taken the coast-road in order to do more damage (ibid., 778).
262 till Edinburgh. Scala., p. 149; Fordun; Skene, i., p. 349. There is a record of a grant by Edward at Edinburgh on August 22, and of payments made at Leith on August 23, so that he may have been there longer than three days; cf. above on 261 (Bain, iii., Nos. 764, 765). On August 17, however, a pardon is dated from Lauder (ibid., 763).
264 Thair schippes. At some date in August, probably later than above, for the King, it would appear, had left, a cargo of medicine came by sea to Edinburgh (Leith) from Newcastle (ibid., 766). Fordun speaks of a vast multitude of ships (copiosa multitudine: Fordun, i. 349).
268 Thair vittale. “Having used up the food on land, and that by sea everywhere failing them” (Trokelowe, p. 125).
276 Tranentis corne. Tranent is between Musselburgh and Haddington.
283 derrest beiff. In Bower, “That this beef was too dear,” Warenne punning in the Latin, Quod illius tauri caro erat nimis cara (Scotichr., ii., p. 278).
289-290 of fasting had gret payne, etc. “A very great part of the army was wasted with hunger, and a great number perished from want of food,” and so they returned (Trokelowe, p. 125). The Lanercost writer speaks of lack of victuals, and illness, dysentery, among the soldiers, from both of which many died (p. 247). Scalacronica concurs (p. 149), also Fordun (Skene, i. 349). The English were thus forced to retreat (ibid.). Knighton puts the English losses at about fifteen thousand (i., p. 428); 30,000 (!) from starvation (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210).
291 In-till Melros. “The King’s hobelers (light horse) foraging at Melrose were defeated by James Douglas” (Scala., p. 149). Cf. lines 292-3. Knighton says the English came to Melrose, when, most unexpectedly, the Scots rushed on them from the mountains, and slew three hundred and more (i., p. 428). According to Fordun, the English slew and wounded several of the monks, and committed other sacrilege (Gesta Annal.; Skene, i., pp. 349, 350).
339 by Driburgh. They burned the monastery to the ground (Fordun, ibid.).
341 till Ingland. Edward is at Fenham, on the coast of Northumberland, by September 4, or thereabout (Bain, iii., No. 767).
346 our the Scottis Se. Cf. note on 249.
349 Auchty thousand. Certainly an exaggerated number. Each “battle,” as almost invariably with Barbour (cf. note on Bk. XI.), represents ten thousand men. Bruce had, however, a considerable force (_exercitu non modico; Gesta Edw. de Carn._, p. 79), having, according to Gray, assembled the whole power of Scotland, of the Isles, and of the Highlands (dez autres pays hautz; Scala., p. 149). Exactly parallel is the statement in Lanercost, p. 247.
352 on to Ingland. By the Solway on October 1, 1322 (Lanercost, p. 247; Gesta Ann., p. 350).
355 to Byland. Byland is in the North Riding of Yorkshire, near Helmsley, on the right bank of the Rye. In Gesta Edw. “Bella-landa” (p. 79). The affair at Byland was on October 21 (note in Stevenson from Cotton MS., c. 1325, p. 55); October 14 (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210).
356-7 wes liand The King of Ingland, etc. So placed, too, in _Gesta Edw. de Carn._: the King “in monasterio de Bella-landa,” and the army on a high mountain above the monastery (p. 79); by Fordun (Skene, i. 350); and by Higden (Polychron., viii., p. 316). Trokelowe, too, suggests the same, saying the Scots followed the King as far as Byland Abbey, in the district of “Rye Valley” (Realis Vallis, p. 125). The escape was “near Byland, close to the Abbey of Rievaulx,” when the King was crossing over (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210). But the Lanercost chronicler locates the King in Rievaulx Abbey (Rievaulx = Realis Vallis), on the opposite bank of the Rye (p. 247); and an order from Edward to the Earl of Pembroke “to raise the country towards Byland” is dated from Rievaulx, October 13 (Bain, iii., No. 790). In Stevenson’s Chronicle, too, the King is at Rievaulx, while Pembroke (Valence) and Richmond and other lords are at “Beghland” (Illustrations, p. 7).
365 Ane craggy bra. Cf. preceding note. “A strength (_un forteresce_) on a hill near Biland” (p. 149). “A certain mountain between the Abbey of Biland and the Abbey of Rievaulx” (Lanercost, p. 247).
366 a gret peth. “A certain path (viam) on the mountain, narrow and confined” (arctam et strictam; Lanercost, p. 247). “A very narrow road where scarce ten could go abreast” (vix 10 in fronte meabile. Stevenson’s Illustrations, p. 7).
373-4 Went to the path, etc. The Earl of Richmond, John of Brittany, was sent with his followers to examine the Scottish army “from a certain mountain, etc.” (cf. on 365. Lanercost, ibid.).
409 Thomas Ouchtre(d). “Arthyn,” as in C., is not known, and is clearly wrong, for Sir Thomas Ughtred, or Ouchtred, was captured here, as Barbour says in line 426 (Bain, iii., No. 806).
419 Stanis apon thame. “He (Richmond) strove with them by throwing down stones” (per lapides projectos. Lanercost, p. 247).
427 he wes tane. Cf. on line 409.
443 all the Erischry. I.e., the Highlanders and Islesmen, who spoke Gaelic or Irish. Cf. on line 349.
454 aboun the bra. The Scots ascended above them (super eos. Lanercost, ibid.).
458 the hycht has tane. “The Scots ascended between the trees through the middle of the grove” (Gesta Edw., p. 79). The fight took place “on the summit of a hill near Byland” (ibid., p. 82).
462-4 Johne Bretane, etc. Cf. on line 373.
469 thar wes tane. John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, a prisoner in Scotland, October 27 (Bain, iii., Nos. 792, 793). Still detained in Scotland, December 10 (ibid., No. 795). Captured at Byland (Stevenson, Illustrations, p. 7).
472 lord of Souly. Henry, Lord of Sully, a prisoner (Bain, No. 796): “the lord of Sully, a baron of France” (Scala., p. 149); “the lord of Sully (Siliaco), an ambassador of the King of France” (Baker, p. 66).
478 yheit at Biland. But cf. note on 356-7.
480 in full gret hy. “The King himself scarcely escaped from Rivaulx” (Scala., p. 149). “The King fled swiftly from Biland” (Gesta Edw., p. 79; cf. also Lanercost, p. 248; Baker, p. 66). “To Scarborough Castle” (Stevenson, Illustrations, p. 7).
489 Till Yorkis yhettis. The Scots made their way to York (Scala., p. 150; Lanercost, p. 248; Gesta, p. 81).
493 nane wald cum out. The English were quite demoralized. They had fled like “a hare before the hounds” (Scala., p. 150). “The people were collapsing (corruentem) before the enemy like sheep without a shepherd” (Gesta, p. 81).
498 Rivens. Rievaulx; see above.
500 The King of Inglandis ger. A note in Bain describes the harness lost at “Ryvaux” by the sudden attack of the Scots there on October 14 (iii., No. 791). According to Lanercost, the King in his hurry left in Rievaulx Monastery his silver plate and great treasure, all which the Scots carried off, spoiling the monastery besides (p. 248). The royal treasure taken at Byland (Higden, viii., p. 316).
520 Lang eftir. In October, 1323, and May, 1324, negotiations for Richmond’s release were still in progress (Bain, iii., No. 829; _Pat. Rolls_).
543 but ransoun free. This seems to have been the transaction which resulted in the “Emerald” charter of the Douglases, giving them extraordinary powers of jurisdiction within their territories. The grant was in lieu of 4,400 merks sterling, the ransoms of three (not two) French knights and their valets captured by Douglas at Byland, and liberated at the instance of the King of France, “our very dear friend” (Fraser’s Douglas, Bk. iii., p. 11).
553 Byrnand, slayand, and distroyand. From all accounts the Scots did terrible mischief. “They did damage at their pleasure, with no one to oppose them” (Scala., p. 150). They spoiled and burned the neighbouring districts, carried off the cattle, and wasted on all sides with fire and sword (Gesta Edw., p. 80; Trokelowe, p. 126; Northern Registers, p. 318).
555 to the Wald. The Yorkshire Wold (Scala., p. 150). “Le Wald” (Lanercost, p. 248; Stevenson’s Illustrations, p. 7).
558 The vale ... of Beauvare. The valley of the river Hull in which is Beverley. “They destroyed that country to about the town of Beverley, which purchased immunity from being burned” (Lanercost, p. 248). Murimuth and Baker say it cost Beverley four hundred pounds sterling (Baker, p. 66).
561 Till Scotland. They returned on October 22 (Gesta, p. 80). In Lanercost, November 2 is given as the date (p. 248). It may be inferred, from a reference in Bain to the Earl of Richmond as “a prisoner in Scotland” on October 27, that the Scots had got home by that date.
BOOK XIX.
6 a fell conjuracione. Barbour post-dates this conspiracy. It took place in 1320.
11 The lord of Sowlis. Probably the grandson of Sir Nicholas Soulis, one of the competitors in 1292. Sir Nicholas claimed through his mother, a niece of Alexander III. (Bain, ii., liv.). His forfeited lands in Liddesdale were given to Bruce’s illegitimate son Robert (Robertson’s Index, p. 12; 54, etc.); others to Robert Stewart, son of Walter (ibid., 10; 13).
16 Male-herbe. As in E, is the correct form; or Malerb (Fordun), Malherbe (Scala.) and on record in Bain, and in Robertson, where the Stirlingshire lands forfeited by “Gilbert de Malherbe” are gifted to another (Index, 21; 19). The land of “Malerbe” was in Perthshire (Reg. Mag. Sig., pp. 30, 61). The other names occur in these sources also, as in Barbour.
19 David the Brechyne. Cf. on Bk. VIII. 402; IX. 293. Some of the forfeited lands of Brechin, such as Rothmay, Brechine, Kinloch, etc., were granted to Sir David de Barclay (Robertson, pp. 26, 34).
23 Throu ane lady. The lady in the affair was Countess of Strathearn (Gesta Annal., cxxxv.). But Gray (Scala., p. 144) gives a different discoverer, Murdoch of Menteith, who was in the English service as late, at least, as January, 1317 (Bain, iii. 534). The Countess could not have turned King’s evidence, as she was condemned to imprisonment for life (Fordun. Ibid.). In an extract from the Cotton MS. in Stevenson, Menteith is again given as the discoverer (Illust., p. 55).
45 playn granting. Soulis made a full confession (Scala., p. 144).
49 plane parliament. At Scone, August, 1320 (Fordun; Skene, i. 348; Scala., p. 144). It was known as the Black Parliament.
51 Till his penance till Dumbertane. “Confined in Dumbarton Castle for punishment in prison” (a sa penaunz en prisoun.--Scala., p. 144); “for life” (Fordun; Skene, i. 348). Gray says that Dumbarton was the only castle in Scotland not now dismantled (ibid.).
56 thai drawin war. As in Fordun: “first drawn with horses and finally executed” (Skene, i. 348). Gray says Brechin, Logy, and Maleherbe were hanged and drawn in Perth. Fordun adds Richard Brown, a squire.
74 Scottis man. Umfraville was a prisoner since Bannockburn. At this date (1320) he was still in Scotland, though on July 24, 1314, Edward was granting safe-conducts to some of his friends for a journey to France in quest of money for his ransom (Bain, iii., No. 374). On April 20, 1320, there is a safe-conduct for Sir Ingelram de Umfraville, “a Scottish knight passing through England on his affairs beyond seas,” with a considerable following, which was cancelled for one in October (ibid., 694). Meantime his name is on the record of the Arbroath Parliament in April, 1320 (see below). On January 26, 1321, he is being restored to his estates, “as Ingelram, who was a prisoner in Scotland, has escaped, and shown that he never left his allegiance” (ibid., 721). These facts have been held to invalidate Barbour’s statement (Maxwell’s Robert the Bruce, pp. 276-7), but they have obviously a suspicious air. He appears to have somewhat prolonged his escape; there was clearly a doubt as to his loyalty; and the date fits in curiously with the narrative. Finally, it has to be explained how Umfraville’s name appears in the list of signatories to the famous letter to the Pope from the barons and Community of Scotland on April 6, 1320: “While there exist a hundred of us we will never submit to England” (_Acts Parl. Scot._, i., p. 114).
125 the Kyngis curtasy. Cf. note on Bk. XIII. 531.
131 oftsis. There had been frequent negotiations for peace since immediately after Bannockburn (cf. Fœdera iii., p. 495).
186 war trewis tane. The truce was arranged at Thorpe, near York, to last for thirteen years (see line 188) from June 12, 1323.
191-6 Bot Inglis men apon the se Distroyit, etc. Of such cases, probably those referred to here, we have precise details in Bain’s Calendar, vol. iii. On September 7, 1326, an inquiry is ordered by Edward II. into the case of certain Scottish merchants who, on their way to Flanders, took refuge in an English ship from fear of pirates, and were brought to Scarborough, where they were all arrested by the Sheriff of York and the magistrates of Scarborough, and put in prison (No. 887). On September 28 three justices are commissioned to inquire into the seizure of a Flemish vessel at Whitby, when nine Scottish merchants, sixteen Scottish pilgrims, and thirteen women were murdered (lines 195, 234), and the cargo and goods to the value of £2,000 carried off (line 196); the vessel being cast adrift, and afterwards captured by others, when the rest of the cargo was appropriated. Apparently this inquiry was fruitless, for another is ordered at Yarmouth on October 15 (No. 889). Then, on October 12, there was the case of a Scottish clerk arrested on the high seas, brought with his two servants and goods to Scarborough, and imprisoned by the Sheriff of York, to be discharged later by the King’s order (No. 889). And Adam Rolok and other Scots had been taken from a ship touching at Brunham and lodged in Norwich prison, from which they were not released till September 24, 1328 (No. 965). Neglecting Barbour’s full explanation, confirmed as it is by Bain’s Calendar, historians profess to find the origins of this campaign obscure, or lay all the blame upon the Scots (Hume Brown, History, i., p. 166; Lang, History i. 232; Le Bel, Chronique, ed. 1904, i., p. 37, editorial note).
205 Walter Steward. Died April 9, 1326.
230-1 twa yheir ... and ane half. Nearly four years after; cf. note on 188.
238 gaf the trewis up. Le Bel, the Flemish chronicler, says he “defied” Edward about Easter because he saw Edward II. deposed, his Government upset, and that the new King was but a boy; and therefore hoped to conquer a part of England (Les Vrayes Chroniques, i., p. 34, edit. 1863; Froissart, trans. Johnes, i. 15).
241 Donald Erll of Mar. Cf. note on Bk. XIII. 687. He had been brought up at the Court of Edward II., and had served for him against the Scots, but, on his deposition, returned to his native land. The Scots readily received him and restored him to his earldom (_Gesta Edw. Tertii, p. 96; Bain, iii. 744; Scala._, p. 151). He hoped to get Scottish aid in restoring Edward II. (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 259). The leaders of this expedition are given as in Barbour in Scalacronica, Chron. de Lanercost, and Gesta Edwardi Tertii, with the exception of the Steward, who is not mentioned. Le Bel, who was present with the troops of John of Hainault, names only Moray and Douglas, whom he erroneously styles William, here as elsewhere (i., p. 48).
248 In England. June 15; and a second raid to Weardale in August (Fordun. Skene, i. 351-2). Before July 20 (Lanercost, p. 259). By the West March, says Hailes, citing Froissart (i.e., le Bel), but this is certainly not clear. No one seems to have known how they came: “They had passed the river (? Tyne, Eden) so quietly that neither they of Carlisle nor they of Newcastle knew anything of it” (Le Bel, i., p. 46, edit. 1863).
250 ten thousand. Le Bel says there were three thousand men-at-arms, knights, and squires, and about twenty thousand variously armed upon little hackneys (p. 48). These numbers are clearly in excess. It is from Jehan le Bel in this connection that Froissart has taken his famous and familiar description of a Scots Border raid (Johnes, ch. xvii.).
254 Wardill. Weardale, in Durham (Fordun, Gesta Annalia, cxl.).
256 The King wes ded. Edward II. was in ward since January 7, but did not die till September 21.
257 that wes yhing. Edward III. was fifteen.
261 Isabel. Daughter of Philip IV. of France.
262 wes weddid. Not till January 28, 1328, to the second daughter (Philippa) of Count or Earl William of Holland and Hainault. Barbour, of course, writes about fifty years after.
267 Schir Johne of Hennaut. John of Hainault, lord of Beaumont, brother of the Count, then “in the flower of his age” (Le Bel, i., p. 12). He came at Edward’s request, and brought five hundred well-mounted men-at-arms from Hainault, Flanders, Bohemia, Cambresis, and Artois: later he was joined by fifty more (Le Bel, i. 36, 37). Jehan le Bel and his brother were in the company.
271 In-to York. The English army assembled at York, and there awaited the arrival of the Hainaulters (Le Bel, p. 36); or of the chief lords (Gesta Edw., p. 96). There was a wait at York of more than six weeks until news should come about the Scots (Le Bel, p. 45). The English preparations seem to have anticipated the Scottish raid, though Barbour puts it otherwise.
275 neir fifty thousand. According to Le Bel, it was said the English had seven thousand knights and squires, thirty thousand armed men, half of whom were mounted on little hackneys, and twenty-four thousand archers on foot--sixty-one thousand men (i., p. 49). The English were three times the number of the Scots (Murimuth, p. 53; Baker, 97). Froissart, modifying Le Bel, gives in another place more than forty thousand men-at-arms (i., p. 17).
278 Xviii yheir. Edward, born November, 1312, was only fifteen.
279 Cokdaill. The Cock flows into the Wharfe, a tributary of the Yorkshire Ouse. Sir Herbert Maxwell says Coquetdale (_Robert the Bruce_, p. 311).
287 sevyn battellis. According to Le Bel, the English were in three battles of infantry, each battle having two wings of five hundred men-at-arms (p. 49).
316 north half Wer, toward Scotland. Maxwell insists that the Scots were on the south bank, on account of an order from Edward on August 3, located at Stanhope, to which may be added a later reference to his having been there (Robert the Bruce, p. 312 and note; Bain, iii., Nos. 929, 933). But the Scots were certainly at Stanhope Park, on the north bank (see below on 490 and 513). Mr. J. T. T. Brown, also on the strength of the first citation from Bain, says that “Froissart and the Scottish poet are both alike in error in placing the Scottish army on the north bank and the English on the opposite of the Wear” (_The Wallace and Bruce Restudied_, p. 144). In what he writes, Froissart simply follows Le Bel, who was present. Neither expressly says that the Scots were on the north bank, but it is made clear in both that the river separated the forces. Nothing is said by Barbour of how the English hunted for the Scots, but could not find them; of their rough and hurried ride to the Tyne at Hexham to cut off the expected Scottish retreat; or of their rush south when it was discovered by a squire that the Scots were on the Wear--all of which is graphically described by Le Bel and transferred to his own work by Froissart (Le Bel, i., ch. xii.; Froissart, ch. xvii.).
322 Stude in a strynth. They were drawn up in three battles on the slope of the mountain on which they were encamped (Le Bel, p. 62). Gray says the Scots were in three divisions on a fine plain, and calls this first position also Stanhope (Scala., p. 154). But it is clear from the detailed accounts of Barbour and Le Bel that the Scots were on a hill.
328 Weris wattir. “Below this mountain was a strong, swift river” (Le Bel, p. 62). “The King took up a position before them on the Wear wattir for three days” (Scala., p. 154).
350 Archibald ... of Douglas. Youngest brother of Sir James, “the Tineman” (i.e., the Loser), afterwards Regent of Scotland; killed at Halidon Hill, 1333. His especial share in this raid was to plunder the bishopric of Durham (Scala., p. 154; Maxwell’s _History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i., pp. 70, 71, 75).
353-4 These lines appear to mean that Douglas alternately advanced and retired so as to draw the English on. The Scots on the next day, according to Le Bel, “ran forwards and backwards in skirmishing” (couroient et racouroient tout en eshcarmuchant, p. 64).
374 Schir Williame of Erskyn. It is noted that Bruce died in debt to Erskine (Excheq. Rolls, i., p. 404).
396 Tymbrys for helmys. Wooden crests on helmets, common in the fourteenth century. Apparently the novelty was not in the crests, but in the material; hitherto they would have been made of cuir-bouilli (see Bk. XII., 23, note). Edward III. bore an eagle: “Tymbre de legle (? l’aigle)” (Bain, iii., p. lxviii.).
399 crakkis of war. Early cannon (cf. on Bk. XVII., line 250). It is not easy to understand how the English carried these with them in their forced marches over hill and dale. Le Bel does not mention them. They do not appear again in warfare till Creçy (1346), if then (Oman, Art of War, p. 611).
402 That nycht. “The night of St. Peter in August” (_la nuit Saint-Pierre d’aoust, Le Bel_, 64). St. Peter’s Day was August 1, but as Mass was heard on the morrow, the “night” was probably that of July 31, St. Peter’s Eve.
405 The Inglis men. Le Bel (Froissart) does not relate the incidents given by Barbour, or these operations, except in general terms. Many “companions,” he says, with the assistance of their horses, crossed the river, and some on foot; prisoners were taken, and others wounded or killed on both sides; and this went on continuously for three days (p. 64). The English learned from their prisoners that the Scots had neither bread, salt, nor wine, and so they hoped to starve them out; but they had plenty of beef, and were not particular about how they ate it, without salt or bread, “boiled or roasted as it liked them;” as well as some oatmeal, of which they made cakes (i., p. 65).
431 all arayit. Each of the first two days, Le Bel tells us, the English were drawn up in order of battle, though it came only to fruitless skirmishing.
482 Fyres in gret foysoun. The Scots, writes Le Bel, always made a wonderful number of fyres between night and morning; and by this and their blowing of horns and shouting together it seemed as if all the devils of hell were assembled there (pp. 64, 65; Johnes, i., ch. xviii.).
486 Twa myle. “Two small leagues” (Le Bel). “A short league” (Scala.). “League,” as usual, signifies just a mile, as when Le Bel credits the Scots with an average day’s march of from twenty to thirty-two “leagues” (p. 4).
488 defend thame bettir. “A much stronger place than before” (_Le Bel_, 65).
490 a park. Stanhope Park, a hunting-ground of the Bishop of Durham, on the north bank of the Wear. “The Scots entered the park of Stanhope and there lodged; likewise also the English on the other side of a certain stream pitched camp and rested” (Gesta Edw., p. 96). The Scots moved to “within the park of Stanhope” (_dedenz le park de Stanhope, Scala._, p. 154). “The Scots betook themselves to the park of Stanhope” (Lanercost, p. 259). The Scottish army was “at Stanhope Park” (apud Stanhop park, Contin. Chron., Murimuth, p. 53; Chron., Knighton, i., p. 445; Baker, p. 97; Hemingburgh, ii., p. 298). And those who have rejected Barbour’s statement as to the northward position of the Scots, resting on a single citation from Bain (see on 316), would have found, a few pages farther on, an express reference to the time when the Scots were surrounded and beset (circumdati et obsessi) in the park of Stanhope by the King’s army (Bain, No. 957, June 29, 1328). Edward, being so near, could very well speak of himself as “at Stanhope.” Bain later admits the Scots were at Stanhope (Edwards in Scotland, p. 77).
492 full of treis. At Stanhope Park “they were lodged in a wood” (_Le Bel_, 65). “In the woddys of Stanhop park in dyverse busshementis” (Fabyan, p. 439).
495 Be nychtyrtale. I.e., by night-time, as in Chaucer:
“by nightertale
He sleep namore than doth a nightingale.”
(Prologue, 97, 98).
501 Upon the wattir. “On another mountain ... also on the river” (_Le Bel_, i. 65).
503 on the morn. Barbour gives the Scots only two days in the first position opposite the English, not saying how long they had been already “liand” there, which Le Bel says was eight days. Le Bel says, further, that they left on the third, not the second, night, and that their departure was discovered on the morning of the fourth day (p. 65). If the English arrived on July 31 (cf. on 402), and Edward was at Stanhope on August 3 (cf. on 316), this would be right. Gray says the Scots shifted camp on the fourth night (Scala., p. 154). Fordun suggests only one position, the second (Gesta Annalia, cxl.).
513 on othir half the wattir of Wer. Cf. Gesta Edwardi in note on 490. In Le Bel the river is still between the armies, (pp. 65, 66).
516 Aucht dayis. Maxwell affirms that, in saying this, Barbour “either draws on his imagination, or has been misled by his informants” (Robert the Bruce, p. 314); and the chronology of the various writers is hard to reconcile. Gray gives six days for the second position (p. 154); Le Bel (Froissart) eighteen (68); Knighton fifteen (Leycestrensis Chron., i. 445); Hemingburgh says the Scots were besieged for fifteen days in Stanhope Park (ii., p. 298). But the author of Gesta Edwardi agrees with Barbour in assigning eight days (octo diebus dicursis, p. 97), and so does the Lanercost writer (p. 259) and Fordun (Gesta Annalia, cxl.). Yet Mr. Brown accuses Barbour, in fixing that term, of “always lauding his own side,” though these English chroniclers support him (The Wallace and The Bruce, p. 145). One document suggests that Edward was at Durham on August 5 (Bain, iii., No. 930), but dates and places on legal documents do not always signify what they suggest. The order from Durham was issued in the King’s name. Edward was still at Stanhope on August 7 (_Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward III. s. d._).
520-1 ilk day justyng of Wer. And scrymming. “Every day skirmishing by those who wished to skirmish” (Le Bel, 67). Cf. throughout Froissart, ch. xviii.
527 on the nynt day. “The first night that our lords were lodged upon this (second) mountain” (Le Bel, p. 67). In Scala. apparently the third night (p. 155).
533 V. hundreth. “Two hundred men-at-arms” (Le Bel, p. 67). “A few” (Lanercost, 260; Gesta Edw., 96).
534 in the night. “About midnight” (Le Bel).
535 so fer he raid. “He passed this river a good distance (_bien loin) from our host” (Le Bel_).
538 slely can he ryd. “Wherefore no one perceived him” (Le Bel).
541 hew rapys. See below on 561.
550 no vachis. “He suddenly passed through the sentinels of the English” (Gesta Edw., pp. 96-7).
560 He ruschit on thame hardely. He fell on the English host most boldly, crying: “Douglas! Douglas! you shall die all, lords of England” (Le Bel, ibid.). In Froissart it becomes “thieves of England” (Berners, Johnes), a version due, apparently, to Froissart’s later re-editing of his own work. In Lettenhove’s edition (1863) it is “’Glas, ’Glas” (i., p. 102). Knighton says that when Douglas was seen by some English he began to cry in English (Anglica voce), “‘No warde a seynt Jorge!’ as if he were an Englishman” (i. 445).
561 doune he bare. Le Bel (Froissart) says Douglas got so far that “he cut two or three cords of the King’s tent.” “He penetrated (intravit) a great part of the army of the King, and came nearly to the King’s tent” (Lanercost, 260). “He passed through the midst of the English army” (Gesta Edwardi, 97).
565 Thai stabbit, stekit, and thai slew. “They began, he and his company, to make a great attack. (À faire une grand envaïe et à coper et mehagnier gens et à abatre (car ce fus sus le point dou premier somme) et porterent grand damage a l’oost” (Froissart in Vatican MS., ed. Lettenhove, i., chap, xxxiii., p. 102. 1863).
567 A felloun slauchtir. “Douglas and his company slew more than three hundred” (Le Bel). “Some he slew, some took captive” (_Gesta Edw._, p. 97). They “slew a great part of the people of the Earls” (Scala., p. 155).
568 liand nakit. I.e., unarmoured. “And he slew or he seased ccc. men, some in their beddes, and some skant redy” (from Berner’s Froissart, but not in Johnes nor in any of the known editions of Froissart nor in Le Bel; not, however, a very unusual exercise of the imagination). Barbour’s descriptive detail is evidently due to his information. “He gave very many a rude awakening” (_plurimos terribiliter evigilavit._ Gesta Edw., p. 97). “On his return he slew many in their amazement” (attonitos. Lanercost, 260).
577 That lord, etc. I.e., “First one lord and then another was aroused.”
614 cummyn ar thai. “He himself (Douglas) returned unhurt to his own army” (Gesta Edw., 97); “with very great difficulty” (Knighton, i. 445).
638 ilk day growis. Edward was still summoning men to his host. Such a summons is dated at Stanhope, August 3 (Bain, No. 929).
639 vattale has. Le Bel, on the contrary, says the English army was suffering severely from want of food, and that provisions were at a famine price (toudis avions nous paour de plus grand famine, pp. 66-68). The final Froissart does not have these passages, but suggests the same thing (p. 24). The Lanercost chronicler speaks of their failing victuals (p. 259).
644 Sic as we haf. See notes on 405 and 735. Le Bel says the English expected the Scots would be forced by famine to make a night attack (p. 68; Froissart, Johnes, p. 24).
657 A nycht. “One night.”
667 thou mon heir out. “You can get out only here.”
712 thai sall let thame trumpit ill. Evidently in allusion to line 680. “Trumpeting” seems to have been the prelude to any operation. Or the phrase may be in French idiom, introducing the verb tromper, to deceive, which, however, would be unusual for Barbour.
731 blew hornys and fyres maid. Cf. note on 482.
735 the nycht wes fallyn. According to Le Bel, a Scottish knight was that day captured, who, much against his will, informed them that in the morning the Scots lords had arranged that every man was to be armed at vespers (68), and that each was to follow the banner of Douglas wherever he should go, and that every man was to keep it secret; but the Scots knight did not know for certain what their purpose was. The English judged that the Scots, forced by unendurable famine, were about to make an attack on their host (p. 68). Next day it was found that the Scots had departed “before midnight” (p. 69), “leaving the park by night” (Gesta Edw., p. 97). Certain allusions would lead us to infer that the English had, to some extent, got round the Scots. Le Bel declares that the Scots were thought to be planning an attempt to break through the English on two sides (brisier nostre ost à deux costés, pp. 68-9). The Lanercost writer says the Scots got away to their own country “by moving round the army of the King” (_circueundo regis exercitum versus Scotiam pertransirent_, p. 259). They were surrounded, according to Knighton (i., 445). Cf. also extract 957 from Bain in note on 490, and lines 800, 801. Le Bel says that he and some “companions” had to cross the river next day to get to the Scottish encampment, where they found abundance of beef in various forms. The account in the Scalacronica is simply that, the third night after the Douglas affair, the Scots broke camp and marched to their own country (Scala., p. 155). Several English chroniclers attribute the escape of the Scots to treachery on their own side (Murimuth, 53, 64; Knighton, i. 445; Gesta Edw., 97, etc.).
746 summer. “Sumpter-horse,” as, with a different spelling, in Wallace, iv. 53; “Thar tyryt sowmir so left thai in-to playne.”
766-7 till consale, etc. “When the lords heard this they took counsel ... and said that to chase after the Scots would profit them nothing, for they could not be overtaken” (Le Bel, p. 69).
770 Kyng Robert than. If so, Bruce must have hurried back from Ireland, for on July 12 he granted a truce of one year to the people of Ulster (Bain, iii. 922). This Irish campaign appears to have been a failure (ibid., 1191). These are our only allusions to it. In Scala. it is said that it was the Earls who heard they were besieged (p. 155).
774 tuenty thousand. “Five thousand” (Scala., p. 155).
776 Marche and Angous. “Patrick, Earl of March, and John the Steward, who styled himself Earl of Angous” (Scala., p. 155). March (cf. note on Bk. XI. 46) had joined the Scots some time before February, 1317 (Bain, iii. 536). Sir John Stewart of Boncle, or Bonkill, son of Sir Alexander (see on Bk. IX. 692), was created Earl of Angus by Bruce (Scots Peerage, i. 169).
781 the sammyn day. “The very day of their departure” (Scala., 155).
798 Had vittale with thame. On the contrary, Gray declares that if they had had enough provisions they would have gone back; they were such fierce warriors (p. 155).
BOOK XX.
1 Soyne eftir. “Not long after” (nec multum post. Gesta Edw., p. 97). It was “lately,” on September 22, 1327 (Northern Registers, p. 344).
5 A gret host. “With a great army” (North. Reg., p. 344).
7 to Norhame. Besieged Norham Castle (ibid.; also Fœdera, iii., p. 975; and Scala., p. 155). Robert himself was at Norham (Scala.). For this and next note, cf. Scotichronicon, ii., p. 288.
10 Awnwyk. Alnwick. “Besieged the castle of Alnwick for more than fifteen days” (Gesta Edw., p. 97). Alnwick besieged by Moray and Douglas (Scala., 155).
15 mony fair gud chevelry. At Alnwick “there were great jousts of war by formal agreement” (_estoient grantz joustes de guere par covenaunt taille._ Scala., p. 155).
23-25 The landis of Northumberland ... gaf he. “And lands, it is claimed, within the kingdom of England, the said King Robert confers on certain of his followers, and causes charters to be prepared for the grantees” (North. Reg., p. 344; cf. “thai payit for the seliys fee”).
27 raid he destroyand. The Scots “destroyed Northumberland almost entirely, except the castles, and remained there a long time” (Lanercost, p. 260).
31 Ledaris of hym. “The Queen and Mortimer arranged everything” (_la royne et le Mortimer le firent tout, Scala._, 156). “By the evil advice of his mother and Roger, Lord of Mortimer” (Lanercost, p. 261); “his mother then ruled the whole kingdom” (ibid.).
33 Send messyngers. The “messengers” (nuntios; in Acts., messages) and procurators of the King of England were the Bishops of Lincoln and Norwich, Henry Percy, William of Ashby-de-la-Zouch (a Mortimer), and Geoffrey Scrope. The negotiations took place at Edinburgh, and were concluded March 17, 1328 (Gesta Edw., p. 98; Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 124). A parliament at Northampton finally agreed to the treaty, May 4, 1328 (Exchequer Rolls, i. ciii.).
38 fiff yheir ... scarsly. David Bruce was born on March 5, 1324.
39 Johane ... of the Tour. Having been born in the Tower of London. “Johanam de Turre” (Lanercost, p. 261); “Johannam de Turribus” (Scotich., ii., p. 290).
43 sevin yher. Born 1321.
44 monymentis and lettrys ser. Especially the Ragman Roll (Icelandic, ragmanr, a coward?), containing a list of the homages to Edward on August 28, 1296, at Berwick, by the churchmen, earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and whole community of Scotland, as well as earlier submissions (Bain, ii. xxv., pp. 193-214; cf. also Lanercost, p. 261; Knighton, i. 448-9; Scotichr., ii., p. 289; Baker, p. 103). Baker says the Roll was publicly burned at the marriage at Berwick (ibid.). The only copies of it that exist are in the Tower Rolls (Bain, ibid.), with portions of the original instruments of homage; so that this stipulation was never carried out (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 19).
48 all the clame. “Omnem clameum (sic) seu demandam” (Lanercost, p. 261). Cf. for terms of the “Relaxation of Superiority.” Fœdera, iv., p. 338; York, May 1, 1328.
53 Fully xx thousand pund. Twenty thousand pounds sterling to be paid in three years (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 125). Fordun says 30,000 marks out of King Robert’s “mere goodwill,” in compensation for English losses (Gesta Annalia, cxli.). The last payment was in 1331 (_Excheq. Rolls_, cx.).
67 for the mangery. The Exchequer Rolls, I, cxiv.-cxvii., contain a long list of purchases in the Low Countries for the household of the young people--food, furniture, utensils, etc.
73 male es. Fr. mal aise, illness. According to Le Bel, Bruce was suffering from the “great sickness” (la grosse maladie) in 1327 (p. 48; see also 79). The Lanercost chronicler says it was leprosy (factus fuerat leprosus, p. 259). Johnes translates Froissart’s “grosse maladie” as leprosy (i. 18, 26).
79 Cardross. On the Clyde, half way between Dumbarton and Helensburgh, acquired by the King in 1326 in exchange for other lands (Exchequer Rolls, I., cxix.).
83 To Berwik. The marriage took place on Sunday, July 19, 1328 (Lanercost, p. 261); July 17 (Gesta Annalia, cxlii.).
85 the Queyne and Mortymer. Edward III. himself was not present (Lanercost, p. 261).
125 At that parliament. The arrangement as to the succession of the Steward and a possible regency were made in a parliament of 1318. Randolph was to be regent, and, failing him, Douglas (Acts Parl., i. 105). Barbour divides the regency; Fordun makes no mention of this (Gesta Annalia, cxxxix.).
*129 Maid hym manrent and fewte. Some such ceremony in all likelihood did take place; Barbour’s statement is not to be rejected lightly. Le Bel (Froissart) says that when the King felt the approach of death he summoned his barons (see below), and charged them, on their fealty, to guard loyally the kingdom for his own David, and when he came of age obey him, and crown him King, and marry him suitably--in which last detail Le Bel is, of course, astray (p. 79; Johnes, i. 27).
151 Till Cardross went. He had paid a visit to Galloway, and was at Glenluce on March 29, 1329.
158 For the lordis. See note on 129.
167 Lordingis. An alternative account of this speech and of the whole circumstances up to the death of Douglas is given by Le Bel (ch. xxv.), and adapted from him by Froissart (Johnes, i., ch. xx.). Divergencies or close parallels are noted as they occur. See on these Appendix, F. vi. Baker also has a brief account, citing, as a witness of the doings of Douglas in Spain, Thomas Livingstone, a Carmelite friar, at that time a civilian serving under his command in the Christian army (p. 104).
177 my trespass. This sounds like a clerical interpretation; cf. Bk. II. 43-5 for a similar comment. In Le Bel Bruce opens with the remark that all knew that he had much to do in his time, and had suffered much to maintain the rights of this kingdom (as cited).
178 my hert fyschit firmly was. “I made a vow which I have not accomplished and which weighs upon me” (Le Bel). “I vowed,” etc. (Baker, p. 105).
181 to travell apon Goddis fayis. “To make war upon the enemies of our Lord and the adversaries of the Christian faith beyond the sea” (Le Bel). Froissart does not have the closing phrase. “That I would fight with my body against the enemies of Christ” (Baker, p. 105).
183-5 the body may on na wis, etc. “Since my body is not able to go or accomplish that which the heart has so long desired, I wish to send the heart for the body to make satisfaction for me and my wish” (_pour moy et pour mon vueil acquittier._ Le Bel, 1904, I., chap. xv.); “to fulfil my vow” (pour mon voeu achever. Froissart); “Because alive I shall not be able”--i.e., to go (Baker, 105).
188 cheis me ane. Le Bel and Baker represent Bruce as himself choosing Douglas for the mission; so, too, does Bower (Scotichr., ii., p. 300).
191-2 On Goddis fayis, etc. Cf. above on line 181. Le Bel gives the commission differently and in fuller detail: “That you take my heart and have it embalmed, and take as much of my treasure as will seem good to you for performing the journey, for yourself and all those whom you will wish to bring with you; and that you will carry my heart to the Holy Sepulchre, where our Lord was buried, since the body is not able to go thither; and that you do it as magnificently (_si grandement_) and as well provided with all things and with attendance sufficient, as belongs to your estate; and wherever you come let it be known that you carry as a commission (comme message) the heart of the King of Scotland for the reason that his body cannot go thither.” In Johnes it is, from Froissart, “you will deposit your charge at the Holy Sepulchre”; in Berners, “present my heart to the H.S.” The Vatican (final) MS. of Froissart, however, has “that you carry (the heart) beyond the sea against the heathen (mescreans) _and as far as to the Holy Sepulchre and leave it there, if you have the fortune to go so far” (si l’aventure poes avoir d’aler si avant_, Lettenhove, I., chap. xxxviii., p. 119). Bain summarizes a Protection “for seven years,” given by Edward III. on September 1, 1329, for James Douglas, “on his way to the Holy Land with the heart of the late Robert K. of Scotland, in aid of the Christians against the Saracens” (No. 991); who also, on the same date, commends Douglas, on this mission, to Alfonso K. of Castile, Leon, etc. (990). In the Pope’s absolution for the ecclesiastical offence of mutilating a dead body, dated at Avignon, August 6, 1331, which, of course, proceeds on a narrative furnished from Scotland, it is explained that King Robert had expressly commanded that “his heart should be carried in battle against the Saracens” (in bello contra Saracenos portaretur), and that, in accordance with the wish of the King himself, it was carried by Douglas into Spain in battle against the said Saracens (Theiner, _Vetera Monumenta_, No. 498). Baker has it, “that you carry my heart against the enemies of the name of Christ to Gardiavia on the frontier” (_ad fronterii Gardiaviam_, p. 105). Later chroniclers distort the details somewhat, Bower alleging that the heart was to be buried in Jerusalem, and sending both Alfonso and Douglas to the Holy Land; referring the reader, nevertheless, to “Barbour’s Bruce” (“Barbarii Broisacus,” Scotichr., ii., p. 301); while the Book of Pluscarden simply paraphrases Bower, expanding the reference to the Bruce (_legendam dicti excellentissimi principis in nostro vulgari compositam). Cf._ also note in Brown’s Wallace and Bruce, pp. 136-7, where, however, Mr. Brown’s hand is being forced by his theory. Doubtless Bruce’s words might be alternatively interpreted; but, from what we know of Douglas, we may conclude that he fulfilled his commission to the letter, and that Barbour is, so far, right. The Vatican Froissart shows us how, also, the confusion arose. Scott, in his final note on The Abbot, prints a commendation (May 19, 1329) of Melrose Abbey by Bruce to his son David and his successors, in which he says that he has arranged that his heart should be buried there, but makes no mention of a prior destination. Edward I. also had “bequeathed” his heart to the Holy Sepulchre (Trivet, p. 413; Wright’s Political Songs, p. 247).
197 greting. “All those who were there began to weep with much compassion” (Le Bel).
212 his bounty. “I shall now die in peace, when I know that the most suitable man in my kingdom and the most worthy will perform that which I have not been able to perform” (Le Bel).
223-231 “Noble sire, a hundred thousand thanks for the great honour you do me, when you charge and entrust to me so noble and so great a thing and such a treasure; and I shall do very willingly what you command concerning your heart, doubt it not, to the best of my power” (_Le Bel_). In Baker, “I swear by the heart of Jesus Christ that I shall carry your heart as you have asked me and die fighting with the cursed enemies” (contra prædamnatos hostes moriturum, p. 105).
253 he wes ded. June 7, 1339, aged fifty-four years and eleven months.
276 all for his persoune. This, as may be gathered from all that here precedes, was fully the case. Le Bel, in his earliest reference (ch. i.), refers to him as “the noble King Robert the Bruce, who was King of Scots, and had given often so much trouble to the good King Edward, spoken of above” (Edward I.); and later says that from their exploits these two Kings were reputed “the two most worthy in the world” (p. 107). On the English side: “Indeed, I would speak of Lord Robert the Bruce with the greatest praise, did not the guilt of his homicide and the knowledge of his treason compel me to be silent,” and the writer drops into a couplet to the same effect (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 166). Baker is of the same mind; Bruce was “every inch a soldier” (_per omnia militarem_), save that he was disloyal to his natural lord, which no knight should be (p. 101).
286 bawlmyt syne. According to Le Bel, the heart was taken out and embalmed (p. 81).
292 solempnly erdit syne. “He was buried in the honourable manner that became him, according to the usage of the country” (Le Bel, ibid.). Froissart adds that “he lies in Dunfermline Abbey.” His skeleton was brought to light in digging in the Abbey in 1819, showing the breastbone sawn up to get at the heart. It is that of a man about six feet high. The mass of the wide, capacious head is to the rear, and the forehead is rather low; the marks of the muscles on the head and neck are very pronounced, and the cheekbones particularly strong and prominent. Four front teeth in the upper jaw are missing, three, apparently, as the result of a blow, the socket being much fractured. The lower jaw is exceptionally strong and deep. For full details see Archæol. Scot., vol. ii., pp. 435-453. The fair toume was brought from Paris to Bruges, and thence, by England, to Dunfermline; the expense of this conveyance and of many other items in connection with the interment are to be found in the Exchequer Rolls, vol. i.
318 To schip till Berwik. “En Escoce” (Le Bel, i., p. 83);
“Montrose,” adds Froissart (Lettenhove, I., chap. xxxix.)
324 the Grunye of Spanyhe. Bain makes this comment, reading Grunye from E. “The ‘Grunye’ is probably Coruna, called by sailors the ‘Groyne.’ Mr. Skeat’s text makes the word ‘grund,’ taking no notice of the other reading” (iii., p. xxxvii, note). Le Bel takes Douglas first to Sluys in Flanders, making him hear in that port of the operations in Spain (p. 84). In Sluys, he says, he hoped to meet with some going to Jerusalem (p. 83).
326 Sebell the Graunt. Seville the Grand, on the Guadalquiver. “First at the port of Valence (Valentia) la Grande” (Le Bel, 84). Seville was then the base of operations against the Moors.
336-7 a fair company, And gold eneuch. According to Le Bel, Douglas had with him the knight-banneret and six others of the most distinguished men of his country. His plate was of silver (and gold, adds Froissart), and all of his own rank who visited him at Sluys were treated to two kinds of wine and two kinds of spices (ch. xvi.; Johnes, i., ch. xx.).
338 The Kyng. Alphonso XI. of Castile and Leon, to whom Douglas had been commended by Edward III.; see note on 190. There was another Alphonso, IV. of Arragon, but he gave no assistance on this occasion (Mariana, Bk. xv., ch. x., p. 255).
361 The Inglis knychtis. Prussia and Spain were the favourite resorts of English knights anxious to war against the infidels. Chaucer’s knight had been in both countries on this errand (Prologue, 53-56).
